By Sanford F. Schram
By means of focusing squarely at the cultural dimensions of social welfare coverage, Sanford Schram brilliantly illuminates fresh turns in coverage and politics. Nor does he moderate the cloth for the symbolic. really he indicates the shut connections among the cultural and fabric elements of coverage. so much welcome of all, Schram's paintings is imbued with a unprecedented empathetic predicament for the folks who're either the beneficiaries and sufferers of social welfare. --Frances Fox Piven, Graduate middle of town collage of recent York
''If you will have a flesh-and-blood tale of the true agendas that lie at the back of policy-making within the age of tricky love, After Welfare is the easiest publication at the subject. Schram's incisive disclose makes for astounding universal sense.'' --Andrew Ross, long island college
''This engagingly written e-book lays naked the ''dirty little secrets'' of a brand new order of social coverage, person who beaches up inequality via tapping into cultural reserves of race and gender prejudice whereas publicly featuring a impartial face. Its strength derives from Schram's eloquence, his sharp wit, and his expertise for persuading the reader to scrutinize social coverage during the lens of social theory.'' --Lisa Disch, college of Minnesota
''Sanford Schram's After Welfare is an exemplary mixture of political idea, cultural critique, utilized coverage research and astute and entire mapping of the modern politics of welfare. it may interact a large readership in either academia and the coverage community.'' --Michael J. Shapiro, collage of Hawai'i
Do modern welfare regulations mirror the realities of the economic climate and the wishes of these wanting public tips, or are they in line with superseded and idealized notions of labor and relatives existence? Are we're relocating from a ''war on poverty'' to a ''war opposed to the poor?'' during this critique of yank social welfare coverage, Sanford F. Schram explores the cultural anxieties over the putatively deteriorating ''American paintings ethic,'' and the category, race, sexual and gender biases on the root of present coverage and debates.
Schram is going past studying the present scenario to provide a revolutionary replacement he calls ''radical incrementalism,'' wherein activists might recreate a social protection web adapted to the explicit existence conditions of these in desire. His provocative concepts contain a sequence of courses geared toward transcending the present pernicious contrast among ''social insurance'' and ''public assistance'' with a view to higher deal with the desires of unmarried moms with childrens. Such courses may possibly comprise ''divorce insurance'' or maybe a few kind of ''pregnancy insurance'' for ladies without technique of financial help. by way of pushing for such courses, Schram argues, activists can make nice strides in the direction of reaching social justice, even in trendy reactionary weather.
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Additional resources for After Welfare: The Culture of Postindustrial Social Policy
Women confront a new double bind. 52 Now the new paternalism is insisting that they be treated equally with men but in ways that fail to account for their special circumstances. For women on welfare this bind is intensified. In welfare, the discourse of personal responsibility neutrally applies a work test for two-parent families to the attempts by single mothers to achieve self-sufficiency. Neutral standards of personal responsibility—paid employment—ignore the fact that many single mothers want to work but find it difficult to do so.
18 Nietzsche’s paradox was that to be free, to exercise one’s free will, to make a choice, is to do all those things in ways that the culture recognizes, which in a sense invalidates one’s free will to do those things. In the liberal contractual society that particularly valorizes choice, “personal responsibility” is therefore especially paradoxical. It implies being willing to take responsibility for what the dominant culture has already assigned as one’s responsibility, and on terms predetermined by the culture.
Instead, today it more often denotes risk. “Black” alerts the economically wary to stay away. Black is still a significant marker but now more as a signal of economic danger than racial inferiority. It is a hollowed out discursive practice rather than a thick ideological symbol. It does not refer to the biology or culture of race as much as to the economics of it. If working with “blacks” does not decrease your job prospects then that is acceptable, but if blacks move into your neighborhood your investment goes down and that is Where the Welfare Queen Resides | 43 not.