By Maung Aung Myoe
On the grounds that its independence in January 1948, Myanmar has attempted to discover how to care for (at one time) ideologically opposed and regularly chauvinistic China which has pursued a overseas coverage geared toward restoring its perceived impression in Myanmar. To counter China's makes an attempt to persuade Myanmar's overseas coverage concepts has continually been a problem for the Myanmar executive. because the Nineteen Fifties, successive Myanmar governments have learned that Myanmar's bilateral family with the People's Republic of China should still most sensible be carried out within the context of selling the 5 ideas of peaceable Coexistence, the Bandung spirit and the Pauk-Phaw (kinsfolk) friendship. The time period Pauk-Phaw is completely dedicated to denote the distinctive nature of the Sino-Myanmar courting. This paintings argues that Myanmar's courting with China is uneven yet Myanmar skilfully performs the "China Card" and it enjoys massive area in its behavior of international relatives. as long as either side satisfy the duties that come below "Pauk-Phaw" friendship, the connection will stay tender. Myanmar has consistently repositioned her kin with China to her most sensible virtue. Myanmar's China coverage has continually been positioned someplace in among balancing and bandwagoning, and the juxtaposition of accommodating China's local strategic pursuits and resisting chinese language impact and interference in Myanmar's inner affairs has been a trademark of Myanmar's China coverage. this is often more likely to stay unchanged.
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Additional resources for In the Name of Pauk-Phaw: Myanmar's China Policy Since 1948
In fact, both the Chinese and Soviet embassies had secretly financed the BWPP. The Myanmar government had knowledge of this fact even before the Soviet defector published his memoirs in 1962. In addition, the Myanmar government held a strong opinion that the Chinese embassy in Yangon and two PRC state-owned banks, the Bank of China and the Bank of Communications, were involved in financing a number of pro-Communist front organizations and activities, such as the BurmaChina Friendship Association, the All Burma Peasant Union, the People’s Democratic Youth League, the All Burma Peace Committee, the Burmese Asian-African Solidarity Committee, the All Burma Women Union and the All Burma Trade Union Congress.
U Nu repeatedly expressed his gratitude toward China on several occasions. Zhou Enlai, in turn, praised Myanmar’s China policy and said that China appreciated Myanmar’s support at the Geneva Conference and at the Colombo Meeting for the termination of hostilities in Indochina. He also lauded Myanmar’s decision to oppose the US-sponsored SEATO (Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation). indd 24 8/23/11 1:15:22 PM Sino-Myanmar Relations 1948–1962 25 stooge of any external power. At the end of the journey, seven members of the delegation authored a book titled “Record on Gandhalarit (China)”, in which they portrayed the People’s Republic and Sino-Myanmar relations very positively.
20 According to the Aung-Zeya plan, bases were to be established in the border area between July 1951 and June 1952. The objective of the plan was “to expand the liberated area from Stalingrad (codename for a base area encompassing the northern part of the Kathar/Bhamo and Namtu/Kutkai areas) to the liberated area of Gyophyu (white dove — codename for China) to achieve territorial continuity, and then to liberate the whole of northern Burma”. To carry out this plan, forces were reorganized and concentrated in the “3-M Area” (Mandalay, Meikhtila, Myingyan).