Transitional Justice After German Reunification: Exposing by Juan Espindola

By Juan Espindola

How do societies transitioning from oppressive to democratic rule carry liable these electorate who contributed to conserving injustice within the historical regime by way of secretly denouncing fellow voters? Is their public id a fashion of pleasurable admire if you happen to suffered damage because of their collaboration? And is public identity respectful of denunciators themselves? This booklet pursues those questions via a multidisciplinary research concentrating on the denunciators for the East German mystery police and the Ministry of nation safety and how within which they've been publicly unveiled in modern German society. The publication evaluates the excuses that social actors provide to aid or oppose public identifications; how exact collaborators react to this social perform; and no matter if it achieves its meant goal. At each degree, the e-book asks no matter if the motivations and the results of public identifications honor or undermine the price of admire for individuals.

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Additional resources for Transitional Justice After German Reunification: Exposing Unofficial Collaborators

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The MfS assumed its modern form in 1950. It operated in an environment in which, according to the official news organs of the state, terrorism was around the corner, and espionage on the GDR was unrelenting. Although American and British intelligence groups were indeed present in East Germany, this diagnosis was an exaggeration. After its creation in 1950, the Stasi progressively consolidated and increased its power. It went through difficult times in 1953, when the SED punished it for failing to anticipate a rebellion of workers that almost got out of control, but it reacquired its prominent role within 6 Jens Gieseke, The History of the Stasi: East Germany’s Secret Police, 1945–1990, trans.

By contrast, victims do not owe forgiveness to wrongdoers as a matter of respect for them. There are many reasons why victims should not be forced to forgive perpetrators; for one, forgiving perpetrators can be psychologically exacting on victims; for another, victims have a privileged epistemic access to the harm they suffered and are thus in the best position to judge whether an apology, and of what kind, can repair, to the extent that is possible, the harm done. Forgiveness and apologies, then, are asymmetrical from the perspective of respect; apologizing is a perfect duty; forgiving an imperfect one.

For instance, I discuss legal cases related to the right of personality, with its intrinsic reputational concerns because this right clearly reflects a concern about the value of respect. Likewise, I examined the views (and actions) of prominent civil rights activists and public officials such as Joachim Gauck, Hubertus Knabe, Friedrich Schorlemmer, and Marianne Birthler, 45 The previous quotes come from Lisa Wedeen, “Conceptualizing Culture: Possibilities for Political Science,” American Political Science Review 96, no.

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