By P. L. Pham
In 1964 Britain's defence presence in Malaysia and Singapore used to be the most important and costliest component to the country's world-wide function. but inside of 3 and a part years the Wilson executive had introduced that Britain will be retreating from its significant Southeast Asian bases and forsaking any certain army position 'East of Suez'. Drawing upon formerly categorised govt files P.L. Pham examines and explains how the Wilson executive got here to this end, some of the most major judgements within the decline of British worldwide energy after the second one international War.Substantially revising past bills, Pham exposes the interior workings of presidency, the shut yet strained kin among the uk and the U.S. in the middle of chilly warfare tensions, and the way politicians and coverage makers controlled the decline of British strength, offering an in-depth and entire research of British coverage approaches of the period.
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Additional info for Ending ’East of Suez’: The British Decision to Withdraw from Malaysia and Singapore 1964-1968
Example text
Previously . . ³ Officially, the British conveyed a double message to US and Australian officials: partly a threat, of the cuts which they might have to implement, and partly an offer, of the plans for co-operation which they wanted to institute. ⁴ Speaking personally, the Prime Minister said that he would rather the ¹ LBJL: Papers of Francis M. Bator: Box 23: John Leddy to Dean Rusk, 13/5/1965. ² NAA: A1838/346, TS691/1 PART 3: Geoff Hartnell to Sir Edwin Hicks, ‘Far East’, 17/5/1965. ³ NAA: A1209/80, 1965/6124: Department of Defence, ‘United Kingdom Defence Review’, June 1965.
E. Bridges, ‘Indonesia’, 18/5/1965. E. A. Golds, 28/5/1965. A. Golds to Michael Stewart, ‘Indonesia’, 3/6/1965. ⁶⁴ Denis Healey followed. ⁶⁵ The last consisted of two goals derived from the DRWP’s report: first, the development of an Australian base to replace Singapore, following consultations with Australia and New Zealand; second, the establishment of co-operative arrangements with the United States and Australia for joint air and naval power in the Indian Ocean. ⁶⁶ No dissent was noted to these proposals.
While ministers in the Wilson Government were initially enthusiastic about an activist foreign policy, it is clear that officials’ long-term policy thinking remained within this pragmatic, accommodationist tradition. As the remainder of this chapter will show, once it became clear that the constraints imposed by the Defence Review compelled a change in Britain’s overseas posture, this tradition of thinking became increasingly influential. While Foreign Office planners were pondering the future direction of foreign policy, other parts of Whitehall were busy deciding on cuts to overseas and defence expenditure.